It was not a matter of lack of investment in education, but of inadequate allocation of resources. These disadvantages were amplified by the lack of suitable means of communication, the same scholar maintained. Only one more would be added bydemonstrating both the resilience of the rural oligarchy and the success of the political police in repressing the initiatives of peasants in the state.
Based on increased labor rights and social investment, Brazilian corporatism was actually a strategy to increase industrial output utilizing a strong nationalist appeal.
Despite the populist rhetoric of the "father of the poor", the gaucho Vargas was ushered into power by planter oligarchies of peripheral regions amid a revolution from above, and was thus in no position to meet Communist demands, had he desired to do so. And as previously discussed, the agrarian elites were not interested in paying for schooling for their working class.
Inshortly after graduating from the Porto Alegre Law School, he entered politics. Under increasing pressure to democratize Brazil on the eve of the collapse of fascism and the end of hostilities in Europe, Vargas took the initiative once again. It is clear from various sources, including Vargas's diary, that communist agitation was a major concern.
As a consequence of these policies, a strong inequality between the levels of education in Brazil emerged, and the quality of secondary schooling declined significantly. Cardoso deplored the decree as "totalitarian" because it virtually ignored the legitimacy of the SRB, disallowing procedures for the recognition of organizations not formed and registered in accordance with the law.
Vargas was also increasingly threatened by pro- Communist elements in labor critical of the rural latifundios bywho sought an alliance with the countries peasant majority by backing land reform.